The central event in this chronology is “the bomb,” that is to say, the bomb that exploded at the Piazza Fontana in Milan on 12 December 1969. What the proletariat wants and how it can obtain it. in its worried hatred of the SI, a thousand other symptoms, without forgetting the revolts in the prisons, which have since spread to America and France. The situation today (Agnelli and his anticipations, the attached article from Le Monde, etc.). The ripening of the crisis after the recoil due to the bomb. And so it is necessary, not only to pay them, but to also accord a number of advantages to them (but according them too much radicalizes them, etc.) But if one goes too far in contenting the workers, one risks completely losing control over them. *One can only content the workers by buying them off and if they are actually content, one no longer needs to pay them. How bureaucratic politics is difficult* and how its very success left it the poor share. Their negotiations for an “honest” division, among associates, of possession of Italian capitalism ( via the State). The ownership classes in their conscious and coordinated struggle against the proletarian revolution: the bourgeoisie and its disinherited younger sister - the Italian branch of the bureaucracy. The Battipaglia process to the hot summer of 1969 then the hot autumn (here, the role of the Italian journal, the Venice Conference, your poster from November, etc.). Role of the influence of the Situationist International then and, later, when the occupations movement developed by agitating for factory committees in the north. The university and high school students of 1967, stimulated by the agitations of the rest of the world (the USA, Strasbourg) and clashing with much more archaic conditions (the Zanzara affair). Among the causes of the remarkable expansion of the Italian economy - linked to the global process - was the fact that Italy had a proletariat that was deeply involved (compared to the Spanish conditions of the same period). The Italian miracle took place in a relatively backwards country, but within the platoon of the industrially advanced countries, and in the country that had the strongest Stalinist party in the West. Under the heading “Notes on the book in progress,” Debord made the following suggestions. In the words of Debord’s letter to Sanguinetti dated 3 January 1973, such a text - now envisioned as a short book - would need to have the “trenchant” and “assured” tone of Machiavelli’s The Prince. Concerned with documenting the post-1968 history of the Situationist International (“SI”), which Debord had co-founded in 1957 and Sanguinetti had joined in 1969, and with continuing situationist subversion after the impending dissolution of the group, they struck upon the idea of publishing an essay titled “The Class Struggles in Italy.” The origins of Censor’s Truthful Report on the Last Chances to Save Capitalism in Italy lie in the exchanges that Gianfranco Sanguinetti had with Guy Debord at the end of 1971, when these two men were drafting the documents that would eventually be published in La Véritable Scission dans L’Internationale (Paris: Editions Champ Libre, April 1972). This news is old enough, yet it is every day’s news.” William Shakespeare, Measure for Measure, Act III Scene II, lines 216–220. Much upon this riddle runs the wisdom of the world. “There is scarce truth enough alive to make societies secure but security enough to make fellowships accursed.
Strike hardest on the summits that are highest This cry of yours will do as the wind does, Will certainly feel that your words are sharp.Īnd let them scratch wherever they may itch.įor the first taste, they will yield nourishmentĪfterwards, once they have been digested. Then it replied: ‘A conscience that is clouded
0 kommentar(er)
